Social policy should not be based on individuals.
Let that simple dictum sink in as we explore an article at Economics Collapse Blog posted on January 6 [Large Cities All Over America Are Degenerating Into Gang-Infested War Zones]:
Large U.S. cities that the rest of the world used to look at in envy are now being transformed into gang-infested hellholes with skyrocketing crime rates. Cities such as Chicago, Detroit, Camden, East St. Louis, New Orleans and Oakland were once bustling with economic activity, but as industry has fled those communities poverty has exploded and so has criminal activity. Meanwhile, financial problems have caused all of those cities to significantly reduce their police forces. Sadly, this same pattern is being repeated in hundreds of communities all over the nation. The mainstream media loves to focus on mass shooters such as Adam Lanza, but the reality is that gang violence is a far greater problem in the United States than mass shooters ever will be.
Industry fled because more productive workers could be found elsewhere, and – more importantly – in search of a more stable environment free of crime and where employees could feel safe to raise their families (instead of commuting extreme distances).
The story of Chicago, Detroit, and Camden is simply that of white people creating a thriving city, which attracted what historians now call “The Great Migration” of black people from the south; in reality, this was nothing more then “Manifest Destruction”as the black percentage of each of these grew societal breakdown accelerated.
Financial problems in those cities is nothing more then the loss of a white middle class or white working class capable of providing tax revenue to maintain city services; with the rise in black population, tax revenue was stretched to the limit with more and more financial commitments dedicate to augmenting the police force and the court system to deal with higher rates of black criminality.
The Economics Collapse Blog failed to point out that East St. Louis, a town of 27,000 people, is more than 97 percent black; it failed to point out that Camden is less than five percent white; or that New Orleans crime is almost found exclusively in the black neighborhoods (or in Houston, where black refugees of Hurricane Katrina were relocated).
That’s okay: go clean your AR-15 and make sure your Meals Ready to Eat (MREs) are ready to go, good readers of Economics Collapse Blog. Like you, I believe that migrating to Idaho or Montana is the right move at this point, but don’t for a second hesitate to remember the federal government will have no problem resettling black residents of Detroit or Oakland to those thriving communities white expatriates of Atlanta, Dallas, Memphis, Birmingham, or Los Angeles create.
Political power is the answer, not stocking up on magazines, MREs, and survival gear. “The Day the EBT Card Runs Out” will happen, but wouldn’t it be exciting if one or two elected officials were in place at that point who secured their positions by running for office and winning, instead of running and hiding from the truth of America’s decline?
I put together a quick graph that showed the racial demographics of the cities the Economics Collapse Blog featured in the “gang” article and one thing is clear… high rates of black violence was the basis for the veritable genocide of the white population (white displacement?) from these cities.
I also tossed in the breakdown of EBT/Food Stamp reliance by race (sadly, Hispanic isn’t broken out by the New York Times) as well, to illustrate not what, but who the state provides for and allows to proliferate via the redistribution of tax-revenue. Remember in Chicago, Illinois, dubbed the Black Metropolis, Cook County has nearly 450,000 blacks receiving food stamps, followed by 300,00 in Wayne County, Michigan (Detroit).
But it was in reading “Community Policing, Chicago Style”by Wesley Skogan & Susan Hartnett that a simple, yet powerful, new dictum came into my mind: ‘In the absence of black people, high crime rates vanish; in the absence of white people, civilization vanishes.’
|“Community Policing, Chicago Style”by Wesley Skogan & Susan Hartnett (p. 23): 1993 crime rates in Chicago — nothing ever changes|
Let’s just roll the ugliness from this book, by two radical left-wingers, who – unfortunately – don’t provide a breakdown of crime statistics for Chicago in 1950, when the city was 84 percent white:
For local officials, crime is like the weather: Everyone talks about it, but they often feel they cannot really do much about it… by the beginning of the 1990s, it provided an ominous backdrop to discussions about virtually every aspect of life in Chicago. The city’s crime count peaked in the summer of 1991, which turned out to be a critical year for decisions about community policing. During 1991, almost 44,000 robberies were reported to the police, up from 37,000 the previous years.
In 1991 the city counted 2,400 serious crimes on its buses and trains – also an all-time record.
Equally ominous was the nature of crime in the city, which seemed to be changing. It was becoming both more pervasive and more threatening. Pay telephones were no longer a neighborhood amenity; instead, they were perceived to attract the curse of street drug trafficking.
Adding to the problem was the fact that some of the city’s most prominent public-housing projects echoed with gunfire almost nightly. In 1991, the violent-crime rate in public housing was almost twice the rate for the city as a whole, and it was 17 times as high as the rate for Chicago’s suburbs.
A subsequent study by the Chicago Tribune documented the fact that the most frequent reason listed by those who had moved from the city during 1992 was crime. Crime was also most frequently cited by movers with families. The question was, What could the mayor do about the crime rate? City Hall believed the answer was, “Not much.” In truth, crime in Chicago was as rigidly segregated as its population, so the highest risks actually were faced by the poor and racial minorities.
Burglary rates in both Hispanic and black Chicago stood at just less than twice the rate for largely white areas, but most were more disproportionate. Crimes that took place at the victim’s house (a fear-provoking category) were also more common in minority areas. In general, property crimes were the crimes most evenly distributed throughout the city; but otherwise, depending on the crime category, Hispanics were victimized at about 1.5 times the rate for whites, while the rate for blacks was closer to twice the white rate.
In fact, residents of black Chicago were robbed and raped at a rate more than four times the white rate; and Hispanics at about twice the white rate. Crimes that involved guns were seven times more common in African-American neighborhoods and three times as frequent in Hispanic areas. In 1990, about 38 percent of the city’s residents were white, 38 percent were black, and 20 percent were Hispanic. In 1950 the city had been 84 percent white, but the number of whites declined almost 20 percent between 1980 and 1990 alone. Beginning about 1980, the black middle class and affluent black workers also began to pour out the city’s South and West Sides into the southern suburbs, in search of nicer housing and better schools.
A 1983 study of crime, 911 calls and police personnel allocation revealed that largely African-American districts had more 911 calls and crimes per officer assigned there, and longer periods during which police cars were not available to respond to calls for service.
While minority neighborhoods were the most crime-ravaged ones in the city, their political leaders were not interested in supporting tougher enforcement efforts that would target their constituents. They also had a stake in curtailing police power, not in expanding it.
In 1991, a prominent political issue in Chicago was the revival of allegations of abuse and torture of prisoners by police officers. By then, the city’s demography dictated that all politicians had to pay careful attention to how their actions, and those of the police, were received by Hispanics and African-Americans; and the rhetoric of community policing played better than hard-nosed enforcement in this political environment. It seemed that the kind of get-tough-on-crime campaign that could elected a Republican mayor in los Angeles could simply not net a victory in the 1990s in Chicago, due to its smaller white middle class. (p. 21-33)
Now why might a study of crime in 1983 conclude that black people had to wait longer for responses to crime when they dialed 911? Maybe because police were responding to multiple calls in that same community…?
It’s not hard people — if you want ‘law-and-order’ you must have the will to protect it; if you want the breakdown of society, you only need to add a few sprinkles of diversity and civilization will start to sprint away.
Stop reaching for another MRE; reach instead for something far more practical… the ballot.