"More blacks, equals more crime; Less blacks, equals less crime" — The Reality of the Gun Control Debate

Demography is destiny. 

In the case of the debate on gun control, we only need to look at the history in the city of Chicago for validation of this claim. 

No, it’s: “More blacks, More crime; Less blacks, less crime”


In Al Capone’s Chicago was 95 percent White, you learned that as the black population grew in Chicago, so did the crime and murder rate. It was in 1982 that the passing of one of the toughest gun control measures in all of America went through in Chicago, largely because of the insane rates of black crime in the city. 


Chicago, by the early 1980s, was almost 40 percent black — which was the sole reason Harold Washington would be elected the cities first black mayor in 1983. 


You see, demography is destiny. 


Even in the gun control debate. 


Chicago’s politicians made it illegal to have a new handgun in the city with the 1982 ordinance (only overturned in 2010); now, because of almost-exclusively black violence in the city of Chicago, Jesse Jackson is hoping Homeland Security/TSA can come save the day [Jesse Jackson pushes new ‘Occupy’ plan: Have Homeland Security occupy Chicago with armed TSA agents, Natural News, 2-4-13]:


Don’t say we didn’t warn ya, but now the long-anticipated plan for armed TSA agents to patrol U.S. cities has been invoked by none other than Jesse Jackson. 

Today he called on President Obama to unleash “Homeland Security” on the streets of Chicago, a city racked by murders and violence even though it has the strictest gun laws in the country. The only group within DHS that has the manpower to “occupy” a U.S. city is the TSA, a widely-hated government agency which has already begun running roadside checkpoints across the country. 

Jackson’s call is essentially a demand that DHS send in armed agents (TSA with guns) because the situation is so bad in Chicago that “something must be done.” 

But how did the situation in Chicago get so bad in the first place? 


“How did the situation in Chicago get so bad in the first place,” asks Mike Adams of Natural News in the above quoted piece. 

Simple. 


The Great Migration of black people from the South imported crime to the city at rates not seen before they arrived and remade much of the city in their image (poverty, misery, and blight). 


It had nothing to do with ‘banning guns’ or the “More guns, equals less crime” canard — it’s simply “More blacks, equals more crime and less individual freedoms and liberties for everyone else” and “Less blacks, equals less crime and more individual freedoms and liberties.”


That’s the lesson of Chicago, where demography has been destiny in denying citizens their Second Amendment rights because black people have a propensity to engage in criminality and murder at rates dwarfing whites. 


What was crime like in Chicago before the black presence in the city (with crime, murder, poverty, and blight all produced by this racial group requiring greater government attention) required police state tactics to combat? [Will Today’s Gangs Get Capone Treatment?, Chicago Tribune, 10-3-1993]:

The glamorization of Al Capone-era Chicago is just about complete. A gangland museum dedicated to the Capone days is doing brisk business, the Untouchables seem destined to go on forever in both TV and movie versions, and now a line of Capone-era trading cards is being marketed.

The trading cards-they are called “Chicago Mob Wars: Ness vs. Capone”-will contribute to the feeling that the gang-war days in old-time Chicago represent a nostalgic, action-packed past. And all of this raises some logical questions:

Fifty years from now, will Chicago’s-and America’s-1993-era street gangs be glamorized and marketed as a nostalgia item? Will the gangs that patrol our streets today be accorded the same affection and respect as the Capone-era gangs are?


“People are much more afraid now, and they should be,” said Al Wolff, 90, the last surviving member of Eliot Ness’ Untouchables. “As bad as the Capone-era gangs were, people were not afraid of them. You could sleep with the windows and doors open, and no one would bother you.”

Wolff, who now lives in Cincinnati, said there will be nothing to glamorize about today’s gangs. “These gangs now are much more dangerous than Capone was, and it’s only going to get worse. In Capone’s day, the average citizen had nothing to fear from the gangs. I was not fearful then, but I am now.”

Rio Burke, also 90, was married to one of Capone’s top lieutenants, a man named Dominick Roberto. “The gangs in Capone’s day weren’t anywhere near as dangerous as the gangs are today,” she said. “Capone and his gangsters, they did their killings among themselves. They killed other gangsters.

“Today, the gangs don’t care who they kill. Children, families-it doesn’t matter to them. The only drive-by shootings in the days of Capone were aimed at specific gang members. The average citizen had no reason to be afraid of Capone or his gang members, but today the average citizen has every reason to be afraid of the gangs. The gangsters today are much worse people.”

She said that in the days of the Capone gang, “I felt completely safe. Like I was in my mother’s arms. Today I’m afraid to go around the corner. There is nothing good about these gangs.”

George E.Q. Johnson, 76, is a Chicago attorney whose father was the federal prosecutor who put Capone in prison. “I am a little bit amused by the Capone museum and all the Capone memorabilia,” he said. “I can’t help being amused by it even though my father hated Al Capone, and everything that Capone stood for.

“But if they were ever to build museums and tourist attractions about today’s street gangs, it would make me vomit. There is no parallel between the gangs on our streets today and the gangs of the Capone era. The needless, cruel, random killing that goes on today-say what you will about Capone, but his men were skillful people who didn’t bother the average citizen. Now? Listen, my father was never afraid of Capone, but he would be awfully stupid if he weren’t afraid of the gangs today. And my dad wasn’t a stupid man. I know I’m afraid. There’s something to be afraid of out there.”


Powerful quotes about the difference in Al Capone’s Chicago (95 percent white) and the Chicago of 1982 (40 percent black), where rates of black violence were so great that gun control measures – usually a tool used by dictators before rounding up dissidents – were enacted as an attempt to cut down black murder rates. 

Of course, even greater police state measures were mandatory as madness gripped the 99 percent black areas of Chicago in the early 1990s, especially the infamous Chicago Housing Authority Robert Taylor Homes [Taylor Homes Hit With Iron Fist, Chicago Tribune, 3-31-1994]:

Responding to scores of reports of shootings, special squads of 16 officers and two sergeants have begun patrolling the hallways and stairways at the Chicago Housing Authority’s Robert Taylor Homes, Mayor Richard Daley announced Wednesday.

As the emotional level of outcry-from citizens and public officials-continued to rise, U.S. District Judge Wayne Andersen hastily called a hearing to state that he would allow systematic, apartment-by-apartment searches by police under certain circumstances.

Tanicia Harris, an 8th grader who introduced the mayor to the pupils, said she had seen CHA security guards cower at their posts when gangs attacked, and that a family member of hers had been shot at earlier in the week.

“Kids can’t walk the porches at a certain time because the gangs might shoot at them or something,” Harris said in a quiet moment. “They’re shooting at kids and putting them in fear. We need to have sweeps. They’re killing my friends. Don’t people understand what’s going on?


Before it was torn down, Robert Taylor Homes were 99 percent black — the granddaughter, grandsons, sons, daughters, nieces, and nephews of those black people who made up “The Great Migration” calling it home. 

The conditions there… uniquely black, require extraordinary police state measures to control. 

Demography is destiny, especially in the gun control debate. 

But it all comes full-circle when reading Carl T. Bogus, from the Roger Williams University School of Law paper, titled GUN CONTROL AND AMERICA’S CITIES: PUBLIC POLICY AND POLITICS

It is here you learn the power of the simple phrase — More blacks, equals more crime; Less blacks, equals less crime.” Bogus writes:

Handgun violence is a special plague on the African-American community. Blacks compose only 12% of the United States population, but 39.3% of murder offenders and 49.5% of murder victims. 

 It is, however, a mistake to think of gun violence as a black problem. Zimring and Hawkins have made two especially revealing observations about this issue. 

First, they compared how United States homicide rates would compare to other high- income nations if all U.S. black offender cases were excluded. 

 Although this would cut the U.S. homicide rate nearly in half, the U.S. rate would still dwarf those of all other high-income nations. 

 It would still remain well over twice the Canadian rate, nearly seven times the British rate, and eight times the Japanese rate. “So,” Zimring and Hawkins write, “the total exclusion of offenses attributed to blacks would not alter the distinctive position of the United States as an industrial democracy with extraordinarily high rates of high-lethality violence.” 

 Second, they looked at the black and white rates with respect just to city-dwellers in five major U.S. cities, and found that this markedly reduces the discrepancies between the white and black offender rates for both robberies and murders. 

 They write: “So a major element in the explanation of the larger concentration of violence among African-Americans is the fact that they more often reside in cities where violent crime rates are high generally.” Not only are blacks more concentrated in cities but they are disproportionately concentrated in economically impoverished areas with failing schools and other problems. It is the interaction between handguns and socio-economic problems that is so deadly.  

Gun violence places an especially heavy burden on people living in the inner-cities and, as the black victim figure so clearly illustrates, on black America especially. As painful a question as it may be, we must nonetheless ask: Would we, as a nation, be as complacent about gun violence if whites were suffering from gun violence as much as blacks?

Mr. Bogus didn’t break-out the Hispanic/Latino rate of gun violence in America. But Mr. Bogus did forget to mention that black people are the causes of the economically impoverished areas with failing schools and other problems. It’s the interaction between black people and handguns, who have socio-economic problems because of the conditions they have created within their community making outside investors/entrepreneurs shy away from expansion in black urban areas, that makes black communities so deadly. 

Demography is always destiny. Never more so then in the gun control debate, where personal freedoms are laid to rest once the black population in a city reaches a certain percentage. Then, gun control is the first step to dealing with high rates of crime/robberies/assault/murder. 

The next step is door-to-door warrantless searches, as happened in 99 percent black Robert Taylor Homes in Chicago in 1994.

The final step is Homeland Security/TSA turning the city into a locked-down police state, at the request of Jesse Jackson (when he isn’t protesting legal firearm sales).

Demography is destiny. It was behind the gun control ordinance based in Chicago back in 1982, and it’s behind the call for Homeland Security/TSA today.

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